Difference between revisions of "Weekly Register, 3 July 1813"

Latest revision as of 07:39, 12 May 2023

Front page of Niles' Weekly Register for July 3, 1813.

A version of a Thomas Jefferson draft of the Declaration of Independence was printed in Niles' Weekly Register on July 3, 1813, comparing the manuscript with the final Declaration.^[1] It was taken directly from a previous printing of the draft after the death of George Wythe in the Richmond Enquirer for June 20, 1806. The preface mentioning that this original draft being was found among Wythe's personal papers is slightly condensed.

The draft of the Declaration of Independence in question, Jefferson's third, is now believed to be in the collections of the New York Public Library.^[2]

Article text, 3 July 1813

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DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE.

The time fitting the purpose, we embrace this occasion to present our readers with the Declaration of Independence, placing by its side the original draft of Mr. Jefferson, about which much curiosity aid speculation has existed. The paper from which we have our copy, was found among the literary reliques of the late venerable George Wythe, of Virginia, in the hand writing of Mr. J. and delivered to the editor of the Richmond Enquirer by the executor of Mr. Wythe’s estate, major Duval. The passages stricken out of the original, by the committee, are inserted in italics.

As prefatory to these instruments we have been particularly requested to record the following letter of Mr. Adams:

PHILADELPHIA, July 5, 1776.

"Yesterday the greatest question was decided which Was ever debated in America; and greater, perhaps never was or will be decided among men. A resolution was passed without one dissenting colony, "THAT THESE UNITED STATES ARE, AND OF RIGHT OUGHT TO BE, FREE AND INDEPENDENT STATES."

"The day is passed—The 4th of July, 1776, will be a memorable epocha in the history of America. I am apt to believe it will be celebrated by succeeding generations, as the great Anniversary Festival. It ought to be commemorated as the DAY OF DELIVERANCE, by solemn acts of devotion to Almighty God. It ought to be solemnized with pomp, shows, games, sports, guns, bells, bonfires and illuminations—FROM ONE END OF THE CONTINENT TO THE OTHER, from this time forward forever! You will think me transported with enthusiasm; but I am not. I am well aware of the toil, and blood, and treasure that it will cost to maintain this declaration and support and defend these states; yet, through all the gloom, I can see the rays of light and glory—I can see that the end is worth more than all the means; and that posterity will triumph, although you and I may rue, which I hope we shall not.

I am, &c.          JOHN ADAMS."

---

A Declaration by the Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, July 4, 1776. When, in the course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with another, and to assume among the powers of the earth, the separate and equal station to which the laws of nature and of nature's God entitle them, a decent respect to the opinions of mankind requires that they should declare the causes which impel them to the separation. We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights, that among these are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. That to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed, That whenever any form of government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the right of the People to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new government, laying its foundation on such principles and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate that governments long established should not be changed for light and transient causes; and accordingly all experience hath shewn, that mankind are more disposed to suffer, while evils are sufferable, than to right themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed. But when a long train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the same object evinces a design to reduce them under absolute despotism, it is their

A Declaration of the Representatives of the UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, in General Congress assembled. When, in the Course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with another, and to assume among the powers of the earth, the separate and equal station to which the laws of nature and of nature's God entitle them, a decent respect to the opinions of mankind requires that they should declare the causes which impel them to the separation. We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with inherent and unalienable rights, that among these are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness; that to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed; that whenever any form of government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the right of the people to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new government, laying its foundation on such principles and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate that governments long established should not be changed for light and transient causes; and accordingly all experience hath shewn, that mankind are more disposed to suffer, while evils are sufferable, than to right themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed. But when a long train of abuses and usurpations, begun at a distinguished period, and pursuing invariably the same object evinces a desig [sic]

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right, it is their duty, to throw off such government, and to provide new guards for their future security.—Such has been the patient sufferance of these colonies; and such is now the necessity which constrains them to alter their former systems of government. The history of the present King of Great Britain is a history of repeated injuries and usurpations, all having in direct object the establishment of an absolute tyranny over these States. To prove this, let facts be submitted to a candid world.	to reduce them under absolute despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw off such government and to provide new guards to their future security. Such has been the patient sufferance of these colonies; and such is now the necessity which constrains them to expunge their former systems of government. The history of the present King of Great Britain, is a history of unremitting injuries and usurpations, among which no solitary fact to contradict the uniform tenor of the rest; but all of which have in direct object the establishment of an absolute tyranny over these states. to prove this, let facts be submitted to a candid world, for the truth of which we pledge a faith yet unsullied by falsehood.
He has refused his assent to laws, the most wholesome and necessary for the public good. He has forbidden his governors to pass Laws of immediate and pressing importance, unless suspended in their operation till his assent should be obtained; and when so suspended, he has utterly neglected to attend to them. He has refused to pass other laws for the accommodation of large districts of people, unless those people would relinquish the right of representation in the legislature, a right inestimable to them and formidable to tyrants only. He has called together legislative bodies at places unusual, uncomfortable, and distant from the depository of their public Records, for the sole purpose of fatiguing them into compliance with his measures. He has dissolved representative houses repeatedly, for opposing with manly firmness his invasions on the rights of the people. He has refused for a long time, after such dissolutions, to cause others to be elected; whereby the legislative powers, incapable of annihilation, have returned to the people at large for their exercise; the state remaining in the mean time exposed to all the dangers of invasion from without, and convulsions within. He has endeavored to prevent the population of these states; for that purpose obstructing the laws for naturalization of foreigners; refusing to pass others to encourage their migrations hither, and raising the conditions of new appropriations of lands. He has obstructed the administration of justice, by refusing his assent to laws for establishing judiciary powers. He has made judges dependent on his will alone, for the tenure of their offices, and the amount and payment of their salaries. He has erected a multitude of new offices, and sent hither swarms of officers to harass our people, and eat out their substance. He has kept among us, in times of peace, standing armies without the consent of our legislatures.	He has refused his assent to laws the most wholesome and necessary for the public good. He has forbidden his governors to pass laws of immediate and pressing importance, unless suspended in their operation till his assent should be obtained; and when so suspended, he has neglected utterly to attend to them. He has refused to pass other laws for the accommodation of large districts of people unless those people would relinquish the right of representation, a right inestimable to them and formidable to tyrants only. He has called together legislative bodies at places unusual, uncomfortable, and distant from the depository of their public records, for the sole purpose of fatiguing them into compliance with his measures. He has dissolved representative houses repeatedly and continually, for opposing with manly firmness his invasions on the rights of the people. He has refused for a long time, after such dissolutions, to cause others to be elected; whereby the legislative powers, incapable of annihilation, have returned to the people at large for their exercise; the State remaining in the mean time exposed to all the dangers of invasion from without, and convulsions within. He has endeavored to prevent the population of these states; for that purpose obstructing the laws for naturalization of foreigners; refusing to pass others to encourage their migrations hither; and raising the conditions of new appropriations of lands. He has suffered the administration of justice totally to cease in some of these states, refusing his assent to laws for establishing judiciary powers. He has made our judges dependent on his will alone, for the tenure of their offices, and the amount and payment of their salaries. He has created a multitude of new offices, by a self-assumed power, and sent hither swarms of officers to harass our people and eat their substance. He has kept among us in times of peace standing armies and ships of war without the consent of our legislatures.
He has affected to render the military independent of and superior to the civil power. He has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign to our constitution, and unacknowledged by our laws; giving his Assent to their acts of pretended Legislation: For quartering large bodies of armed troops among us: For protecting them, by a mock trial, from punishment for any murders which they should commit on the Inhabitants of these States: For cutting off our trade with all parts of the world: For imposing taxes on us without our consent:	He has affected to render the military independent of and superior to the civil power. He has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign to our constitution, and unacknowledged by our laws; giving his Assent to their acts of pretended Legislation. For quartering large bodies of armed troops among us. For protecting them, by a mock trial, from punishment for any murders which they should commit on the Inhabitants of these States. For cutting off our trade with all parts of the world. For imposing taxes on us without our consent.

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For depriving us in many cases, of the benefits of trial by jury: For transporting us beyond seas to be tried for pretended offences : For abolishing the free system of English laws in a neighboring province, establishing therein an arbitrary government, and enlarging its boundaries so as to render it at once an example and fit instrument for introducing the same absolute rule into these colonies: For taking away our charters, abolishing our most valuable laws, and altering fundamentally the Forms of our governments: For suspending our own legislatures, and declaring themselves invested with power to legislate for us in all cases whatsoever. He has abdicated government here, by declaring us out of his protection and waging war against us.	For depriving us in many cases, of the benefits of trial by jury. For transporting us beyond seas to be tried for pretended offences. For abolishing the free system of English laws in a neighboring province, establishing therein an arbitrary government, and enlarging its boundaries so as to render it at once an example and fit instrument for introducing the same absolute rule into these states. For taking away our charters, abolishing our most valuable laws, and altering fundamentally the Forms of our governments. For suspending our own legislatures and declaring themselves invested with power to legislate for us in all cases whatsoever: He has abdicated government here, withdrawing his governors, and declaring us out of his allegiance and protection.
He has plundered our seas, ravaged our coasts, burnt our towns, and destroyed the lives of our people. He is at this time transporting large armies of foreign mercenaries to complete the works of death, desolation and tyranny, already begun with circumstances of cruelty and perfidy, scarcely paralleled in the most barbarous ages, and totally unworthy the Head of a civilized nation. He has constrained our fellow citizens taken captive on the high Seas to bear arms against their country, to become the executioners of their friends and brethren, or to fall themselves by their hands.	He has plundered our seas, ravaged our coasts, burnt our towns and destroyed the lives of our people. He is at this time transporting large armies of foreign mercenaries to complete the works of death, desolation and tyranny, already begun with circumstances of cruelty and perfidy, scarcely paralleled in the most barbarous ages, and totally unworthy the head of a civilized nation. He has constrained others taken captive on the high seas to bear arms against their country, to become the executioners of their friends and brethren, or to fall themselves by their hands.
He has excited domestic insurrections amongst us, and has endeavored to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers, the merciless Indian savages, whose known rule of warfare, is an undistinguished destruction of all ages, sexes and conditions.	He has endeavored to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers the merciless Indian savages, whose known rule of warfare is an undistinguished destruction of all ages, sexes, and conditions of existence. He has incited treasonable insurrections in our fellow-citizens, with the allurements of forfeiture and confiscation of our property. He has waged cruel war against human nature itself, violating its most sacred rights of life and liberty in the persons of a distant people who never offended him, captivating and carrying them into slavery in another hemisphere, or to incur miserable death in their transportation thither. This piratical warfare, the opprobrium of infidel powers, is the warfare of the christian king of Great Britain. determined to keep open a market where MEN should be bought and sold, he has prostituted his negative for suppressing every legislative attempt to prohibit or to restrain this execrable commerce: and that this assemblage of horrors might want no fact of distinguished dye, he is now exciting those very people to rise in arms among us, and to purchase that liberty of which he has deprived them, by murdering the people upon whom he also obtruded them; thus paying off former crimes committed against the liberties of one people, with crimes which he urges them to commit against the lives of another.
In every stage of these oppressions we have petitioned for redress in the most humble terms: Our repeated petitions have been answered only by repeated injury. A Prince whose character is thus marked by every act which may define a tyrant, is unfit to be the ruler of a free people.	In every stage of these oppressions we have petitioned for redress in the most humble terms; Our repeated petitions have been answered by repeated injury. A prince whose character is thus marked by every act which may define a tyrant, is unfit to be the ruler of a people who mean to be free. Future ages will scarce believe that the hardiness of one man, adventured within the short compass of twelve years only, to build a foundation so broad and undisguised for tyranny over a people fostered and fixed in principles of freedom.
Nor have We been wanting in attentions to our British brethren. We have warned them from time to time of attempts by their legislature to extend an unwarrantable jurisdiction over us. We have	Nor have we been wanting in attentions to our British brethren. we have warned them from time to time of attempts by their legislature to extend a jurisdiction over these our states. We have remind-

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reminded them of the circumstances of our emigration and settlement here. We have appealed to their native justice and magnanimity, and we have conjured them by the ties of our common kindred to disavow these usurpations, which, would inevitably interrupt our connections and correspondence. They too have been deaf to the voice of justice and of consanguinity. We must, therefore, acquiesce in the necessity, which denounces our Separation, and hold them, as we hold the rest of mankind—nemies in war—in peace, friends.

ed them of the circumstances of our emigration and settlement here, no one of which could warrant so strange a pretension: that these were effected at the expense of our own blood and treasure, unassisted by the wealth or the strength of G. Britain: that in constituting indeed our several forms of government, we had adopted one common king, thereby laying a foundation for perpetual league and amity with them: but that submission to their parliament was no part of our constitution, nor ever in idea, if history may be credited: and we appealed to their native justice and magnanimity, as well as to the ties of our common kindred to disavow these usurpations which were likely to interrupt our correspondence and connection. They too have been deaf to the voice of justice and of consanguinity, and when occasions have been given them, by the regular course of their laws, of removing from their councils the disturbers of our harmony, they have by their free election re-established them in power. At this very time too they are permitting their chief magistrate to send over not only soldiers of our common blood, but [Scotch and] foreign mercenaries to invade and deluge us in blood. These facts have given the last stab to agonizing affection, and manly spirit bids us to renounce for ever these unfeeling brethren. We must endeavor to forget our former love for them, and to hold them as we hold the rest of mankind, enemies in war, in peace friends. We might have been a free and a great people together; but a communication of grandeur and of freedom it seems is below their dignity. Be it so, since they will have it: the road to glory and happiness is open to us too; we will climb it apart from them and acquiesce in the necessity denounces our eternal separation.

We, therefore, the Representatives of the United States of America, in General Congress, Assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of our intentions, do, in the name, and by authority of the good people of these colonies, solemnly publish and declare, That these United Colonies are, and of right ought to be free and independent states; that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British crown, and that all political connection between them and the state of Great Britain, is and ought to be totally dissolved; and that as free and independent states, they have full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, establish commerce, and to do all other acts and things which independent states may of right do. And for the support of this declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection of Divine Providence, we mutually pledge to each other our lives, our fortunes and our sacred honor. Signed by order and in behalf of Congress, John Hancock, President Attest,          Charles Thompson, Secretary

We therefore the representatives of the UNITED STATES OF AMERICA in general congress assembled do, in the name and by authority of the good people of these states, reject and renounce all allegiance and subjection to the kings of Great Britain and all others who may hereafter claim by, through, or under them; we utterly dissolve and break off all political connection which may have heretofore subsisted between us and the people or parliament of Great Britain; and finally we do assert and declare these colonies to be free and independent states, and that as free and independent states they shall hereafter have power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, establish commerce, and to do all other acts and things which independent states may of right do. And for the support of this declaration we mutually pledge to each other our lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honor.

The declaration as adopted was also signed

New-HampshireJosiah Bartlett, William Whipple, Matthew Thorton.Massachusetts-BaySamuel Adams, John Adams, Robert Treat Paine, Elbridge Gerry. Rhode Island &c.Stephen Hopkins, William Ellery. Connecticut.Roger Sherman, Samuel Huntington, William Williams, Oliver Wolcott.

New-York. William Floyd, Philip Livingston, Francis Lewis, Lewis Morris.New-Jersey. Richard Stockton, John Witherspoon, Francis Hopkinson, John Hart, Abraham Clark.Pennsylvania. Robert Morris, Benjamin Rush, Benjamin Franklin, John Morton, George Clymer,

James Smith, George Taylor, James Wilson, George Ross.Delaware. Caesar Rodney, George Read.Maryland. Samuel Chase, William Paca, Thomas Stone, Chas. Carroll, of Carrollton.Virginia. George Wythe, Richard Henry Lee, Thomas Jefferson, Benjamin Harrison.

Thomas Nelson, jun. Francis Lightfoot Lee, Carter Braxton.North-Carolina William Hooper, Joseph Hewes, John Penn. South-Carolina. Edward Rutledge, Thomas Heyward, jun. Thomas Lynch, jun. Arthur Middleton.Georgia. Button Gwinnett, Lyman Hall, George Walton.

See also

• Declaration of Independence
• Richmond Enquirer, 20 June 1806
• Wythe's Lost Papers

External links

• Read this article in Google Books.

References

1. ↑ "Declaration of Independence," The Weekly Register 4, no. 18 (3 July 1813), 281-284.
2. ↑ "Document [fair copy of the Declaration of Independence]," Manuscripts and Archives Division, The New York Public Library, Thomas Addis Emmet Collection. The New York Public Library Digital Collections. 1776.